The Quranic References of Human Rights Organizations
in Turkey
Abstract
The problems such as the Kurdish Matter, racism and head-covering ban in
Turkey continue, although they weaken. There are two Turkish country-wide human
rights organizations that have the Quranic references trying to give an affirmative
contribution in solving these problems: Özgür-Der and Mazlum-Der.
In this paper, we will try to examine the Quranic references of the human
rights organizations we have mentioned above by considering their direct or
indirect activists' expressions in their conferences, seminars, articles,
books, journals etc. Our aim is to make clear both organizations' Quranic
references in their human rights struggle and contribute comparative studies in
this field.
Keywords
Human rights, freedom, Quran, democratic initiation, identity
Human rights are based
on the view that all people are born equal and free from the aspcet of rights
and respect. Additionally, they also provide human being free choice and
facility to improve her/his abilities. These freedoms are balanced with the
obligation of being respectful to the other and staying away from trespassing
the other’s rights. So, the rights cannot be considered free from
responsibilities.
It can be said that in
Turkey human rights struggle is available both in harmony with the Western
point of view and also the Quranic references. The topic of our paper is
limited with the latter. In this context, two country-wide human rights
organizations loom large: Özgür-Der (http://www.ozgurder.org/v2/index.php)
and –in its initial phase- Mazlum-Der (http://www.Mazlum-Der.org/ing/).
In this paper, in the context of the questions below, the Quranic references of
the ones who were/are the president, executive committee member of both will be
discussed: How do both organizations consider their own country and the regime
in Turkey when they struggle for human rights? Which Quranic references do they
use when they determine their position and stand against human rights
violations? Are they open to cooperation with the other human rights
organizations which don’t prefer the Quranic references? What do they think
about the heated debate of Turkiye i.e. the Kurdish Matter? Do both only defend
Muslims’ rights? What is the upper identity envisaged by the Quran according to
both?
A.
Approaches
to the Concept of Human Rights
According to Hamza
Türkmen saying that “The first word ‘La’ in ‘La ilaha illallah’ (There is no
god but Allah) points Muslims’ responsibility of standing against every kind of
jahiliyah (ignorance), oppression, paganism, exploitism and transgression.”
(Türkmen, 2006a, p. 8.) there are –among Muslim circles- four approaches to the
human rights in Turkey:
1) “Human rights is a
Western and secular concept and cannot be used.” According to this approach
which incorporates anti-West point of view, human rights struggle of the West
is nothing but a deceit and initiation of liberalism as well (O’Sullivan, 2006,
p. 202). The theoretical explanation of this approach –yet they differ among
each other- has been done by generally Hizb al Tahrir (Party of Liberation) (http://english.hizbuttahrir.org/),
Salafi groups and the circle of Iktibas journal (http://www.iktibasdergisi.com/).
2) “The concept of human
rights points to the universal human being gains and should not be indifferent
to it.” This approach [owners], by acknowledging that this concept has Western
origin, links it with natural law, tries to show the counterparts of the
principles of this concept in the Muslim culture and uses The United Nations
Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a reference. Mazlum-Der
administration, after the first presidency term, have adobted such a human
rights vision which is in harmony with international standards (Hicks, 2003, pp.
108-109). However, trying to adopt universal Islamic references to a relative
human rights rhetoric is an epistemologic error even it is an absence of reason
(Sabet, 2006, p. 100).
3) “The rhetoric of
human rights is nothing but a claim of the West. The first source of this
rhetoric is Islam. This concept should be used as Human Rights in Islam”. This
discourse has been brought to agenda with the book named Islam and Human
Rights published by the Publishing House of Aqaba (in Turkey). That book
includes the articles of some leaders of the movements and pioneers of reform
in the Muslim world whom we have been familiar with since 1960s and 1970s and
this rhetoric was used in Turkey with a defensive approach.
4) “Despite its
insufficiency, the concept of human rights should be considered a facility to
bring up the nature of the human being and society, head inclination to the
truth and justice. In this context, it should be used as an alternative
meaning, a seek for the right and just.” Some and the line of Özgür-Der trying
to understand the concept of human rights available in the Western paradigm act
in harmony with this alternative approach (Türkmen, 2006a, pp. 6-7.) and the
right thing to do is to consider the human rights struggle as a facility to use
as an intrasystem means (Şekerci, 2004, p. 72).
As we understand from
Türkmen’s categorization and preference, he accepts that this concept is
Western one but should not be disregarded. On the contrary, it should be
perceived from the Quranic point of view. Özgür-Der does the same, too.
B.
Democratic
Initiation Policies and Relations with the System
“Democratic initiation
process” has been begun by the Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. The purpose
is to make a distinct progress in the field of human rights, democracy and
freedoms. The other name of this project is National Unity and Brotherhood. The
name of the project can be “democratic initiation”. Yet, every kind of
initiation is an improvement towards human nature if it is in harmony with
right and justice. The approach of “Whether the state is Islamic or not…
Muslims must support the equality among peoples.” is right and it is an
attittude to revitalize “There is no compulsion in religion.” (Baqara
2/256) or, “To you is your religion, and to me my religion.” (Kafirun
109/6) principles (Türkmen, 2009, p. 211). If an initiation is right, whether
the aim is religious or not, it is not meaningful to deal with it at arm’s
length. For example, the concept of “freedom” which is formalized out of a
religious content has not been sent to us via Quran but it can be considered in
the category of the concepts produced by regarding the Quranic framework
(Türkmen, 2007, p. 50).
There are three
approaches among Muslim circles to the democratic initiation and Kemalist
subversive status quo:
1)
The ones
saying that “The circles against Kemalist status quo are my comrades.” and
becoming united with them and keeping away from their independent and
consultative identitiy.
2)
In order not to be deceived by the saying “The
circles against Kemalist status quo are my comrades.”, the ones postponing the
struggle against the oppressors to the future and trying to stand against both
side.
3)
The ones standing against Kemalist status quo,
encouraging the affirmative sides and criticising the negative sides of the
ones/circles (conservative democrats, liberals, republicanists who give
priority to democracy i.e. Second Republicanists etc.) and maintaining their
consultative Islamic identity (Türkmen, 2010, p. 40).
The true way must be the
third for the Quran disciples and followers trying to change the social life in
an affirmative way. Without hiding their identity or covering the versus of the
Quran, these circles supporting the monotheistic (tawhidi) awakening process in
Turkey regard their struggle which they have been knitting item by item against
the system as getting back their usurped rights. They try to be just against
the ones not fighting with Muslims because of religious reasons, not banishing
Muslims, not helping the people(s) trying to banish Muslims and not banning
Muslims (Türkmen, 2010, p. 40). Also, considering the principle “To you is
your religion, and to me, my religion.” (Kafirun 109/6), we can say that
the Quran gives everybody the right to identify her/himself. If it is so,
Muslims want to express themselves with their own identity (Türkmen, 2009, p.
83). When determining the matters of the age, it is possible to meet on a
common denominator with ideological movements such as feminism, socialism etc.
at times. Even in some cases, similar solutions can be offered. This position
doesn’t harm Muslim identity. Common action with different ideological
movements at times brings no problem for any circle trusting its own principles
and perspective (Şekerci, 2011, p. 189). If the human rights are objective,
that is to say if they are regarded as legal struggle and realised, the other
organisations, which have been supported and encouraged before, will be treated
in the same way (Quoting from Yılmaz Ensaroğlu Hicks, 2003, p. 109).
As it is clear,
Özgür-Der and Mazlum-Der don’t disregard just attitudes concerning Muslims or
non-Muslims even support them. One difference between them is that, the
previous one strives to keep its independent identitiy. As a matter of fact,
the Quran categorizes the attitudes against tawhid (monotheism) and paganism.
For example, the Quran accepts the identities of being infidel, hypocrites,
idolater and Ahl al Kitap. Even it tells us about the subcategories of some of
them. The Quranic consideration of “Christians’ closeness to Muslims” (Maeda
5/82) can be mentioned here (Toplu Çalışma, 1996, p. 115). The Quran’s attitude
of categorization of the peoples is related to the reality of human being and
society. Differences of the people and the societies they formed, make
generalization and standard approaches impossible in society categorizations.
We see in the Quran different stages of being Muslim as well (Waqia 56/8, 10).
Özgür-Der is not
indifferent to the democratic initiatitive brought forward by the government
aiming at progressing in human rights. Even being sensitive to it is an
obligation ordered by wahy (the Quran). In this discussion agenda, the verse in
the chapter Mumtahina, “Allah forbids you not, with regard to those who
fight you not for (your) Faith nor drive you out of your homes, from
dealing kindly and justly with them: for Allah loves those who are just.”
(Mumtahina 60/8) is one of the main criteria of Muslims leading them to behave
careful/moderate and responsible (Türkmen, 2010, pp. 39-40). The Quran
shows us that the prophets preach –in the context of their struggle- the
leaders of the arrogant party of their society (Araf 7/60, 66, 75, 90) and
they, together with the believers, have a method and a sense of winning nonbelievers’
hearts. For example, it tells us that Muhammed (pbuh) may torment himself as
they don’t believe (Shuara 26/3). Additionally, Allah orders (Moses) to preach
Pharaoh in a soft way (Taha 20/44). It is seen in the Quran that the prophets give
advice to their societies with a tone of benevolent “O my people!”
(Maeda 5/20, 21; Anaam 6/78) and want their people to come to the true path in
order to save them from God’s wrath (Toplu Çalışma, 1996, pp. 121-122; Maryam
19/41-46; Araf 7/59, 65, 73, 85). The obligation of being sensitive and careful
in social relationships is a Quranic order. The verse “Don’t let
hatred of any people seduce you that you don’t deal justly.” (Maeda 5/8) as
a Muslim attitude, enlightens the way of Muslims in social relationships (Toplu
Çalışma, 1996, p. 122).
Özgür-Der globally tries
to realise justice by keeping its identity. In this context, the good deeds of
the ones who don’t regard the Quranic criteria can be rejoicing but it is not
enough to “integrate” with them. The conscious of being ummah is to be kept.
For example the Quran says, “The Romans have been defeated. In the nearer
land, and they, after their defeat, will be victorious. Within ten years
Allah's is the command in the former case and in the latter and in that day
believers will rejoice.” (Rum 30/2-3). The victory of Rums over Sassanids
had been considered by Muslims. Yet the mission of today’s Muslims is not to
join the Rums’ army but form a society of God’s witnesses against liberal or
fascist sieges. For that purpose, Muslims should build their monotheistic
identity against global capitalism, make their own ark like Noah against strong
storms i.e. the aim of reaching “the level of contemporary civilization”
(Türkmen, 2010, p. 52). The example of risalah, As it is seen (above) in the
case of Muslims who are interested in what happens around them (Rum-Sassanid
war) even they are a small group, should widen Muslims’ horizons from the aspect
of finding out the problems and facilities of Muslims in different regions and
cooperating with them. Islamic movements sharing many common truth have proved
that the monotheistic awareness cannot be limited with wire meshes. The next
one is to surpass the artificial and stumbling blocks (Toplu Çalışma, 1996, p.
85).
In the context of saving
the identity Özgür-Der, doesn’t consider its relations with “the system which
doesn’t define itself as Islamic” theological matter. The Quranic verse in the
paragraph above, which is mentioned in the context of human rights struggle in
the borders of the country and on a global scale, has also been mentioned in
terms of the relationship with the system. The Quran disciples, who don’t
consider voting in the elections in a jahili (ignorant) regime basic theological
choice related with the life or identity, discuss
this matter with the chapter Rum. Why didn’t a small group of Muslims who
struggled for presence by refusing any kind of oppression and paganism rejoice
when the jahili army of Romans were defeated? And again why would they rejoice
when Romans defeat their enemy? Do the first verses of the chapter of Rum
express an escape from the more oppressive army (Sassanids) or an inclination
to Romans considered Ahl al Kitab? Of course it is an escape from the
oppression which is much greater. We learn from the chapter Rum that the first
nucleus of Muslims in Mecca are on the side of the makeshift when considering
the outer conditions. Preferring the makeshift can be regarded as an escape not
an inclination. For example, the ones punished legally because of their
identity in Turkey haven’t taken refuge in despotic regimes (where their
subjects are mostly Muslims) named kingdom or republic but democratic states in
Europe. Nevertheless, there is another fact we learnt when we examine the
period of Mecca: none of the sahabah (comrades of the prophet) tried to join
the Roman Army by leaving the struggle including a hard test in Mecca (Türkmen,
2010, p. 158).
In order to witness an
authentic Islamic struggle, in approaching intrasystem means and in discussions
on voting, first of all it is necessary to have consensus on the basic
principles defined by Muslim belief. The most important responsibilities in the
framework of faith-based method and principles are not to cover the versus of
Allah, not postponing the life in harmony with revelation. Also the Quranic
parable of “And a believing man of Pharaoh's family, who hid his faith”
(Mu’min 40/28) symbolising real hardships should not be taken out of its
specific context and generalized (Türkmen, 2010, p. 158). For a
revelation-based policy, the struggle done by adopting anti-revelation rules
and principles cannot be considered gradualism or stage-centered from the
aspect of Islamic method. Bearing this impurity cannot be regarded in the
framework of taqıyya. The taqıyya, in terms of the attitude and behavior
mentioned in the Quran as a permission, is not related with a movement
dependent on Islamic method in general but related with some persons’ specific
cases (Türkmen, 2010, s. 160) such as “Except for those who were forced to
engage in infidelity to Allah after believing while their hearts remained
firmly convinced of their belief.” (Nahl 16/106).
The quantitative
weakness of Muslims in the beginning of the Islamic community formation (Enfal
8/26) can cause the circles in power to make them inefficient and these people
can make the masses behave Muslims’ message uncompanionably. The process of
Islamic struggle is full of hardships and tests. However, Muslims must resist any
kind of difficulties and oppression and gain their struggle with the efforts
which they will increase in an awareness of servitude (Muhammad 47/31). Islamic
struggle can be gained in the field of struggle not in the idea clubs, places
producing abstract thoughts or in circles far from practical concerns. As long
as Muslims embrace Allah and His Book by thinking properly He will enlighten
their way (Toplu Çalışma, 1996, pp. 94-95; Nisa 4/175).
The basic matter of
Turkey is Kurdish issue. It is assumed that this matter has been caused by
secular nationalistic thought which is considered one of the heresies of
infidels (Beyazyüz, 2006, p. 303). Additionally, this matter has got
historical, political and social dimensions. The conflict, which continues
because it has not been solved yet, not only consumes the country’s resources
but also hampers the economic, political, social, cultural improvement of the
country. This is a matter transferred from the Ottoman State to the Turkish
Republic. The concept of millah (ملة),
which always means “religion” in the Quran as it is in the expression of milla
İbrahim (ملة إبراهيم) in the process of
Ottomanism beginning with Tanzimat Fermanı (1839) (Imperial Edict of
Reorganization) and later Turkish nationalization, unfortunately has been used
in the meaning of nation. And because of conceptual deviations and breaks
Muslims stayed far away from understanding each other (Türkmen, 2006b, pp.
268-269). Namely, deviation of a Quranic concept caused miscommunication
between Turkish and Kurdish people and with this deviation Muslim mind confused
and divided.
As in the “Kurdish
Initiation”, the effort of Turkey to humanize its system is desirable. However,
Muslims must spend their time in warning the society and themselves personally
and rebuilding themselves in the axis of wahy (the Quran) instead of spending
most of their time for such improvements in a jahili (ignorant) system excludes
the society and state of the Quran. If the system rolls back down its tyranny
in the face of Muslims warnings, they are pleased with it as they admire Ahl al
Kitab who don’t betray custody (Al-i Imran 3/75). They see all the improvements
based on right and justice in the jahili (ignorant) system as benefit (Türkmen,
2009, p. 71). Muslims’ emphasis on “No division of umma” in the context of
challenging Kurdish nationalism without opposing Turkish nationalism loses its
moral basis when the agenda is to obtain Kurdish people’s rights. It is sensed
that Muslim umma is often mingled with national borderlines. So what Muslim
umma is, what its function is and will be in the short, middle and long terms
must be explained (Yılmaz, 2006, p. 107).
Universal thinking
necessitates to have a long term strategy. Muslims cannot handle the stumbling
blocks made by the Western imperialism without the items of Muslim umma
differentiated, transforming radically the societies they live in and again
without shaking comprador regimes which Muslims are (forcefully) obliged to
obey. So Muslims should concentrate their power on their neighborhood while
considering gains of universal Islamic struggle. Warning mission should start
from close neighborhood (Shuara 26/214). As the aim of their struggle, they
should have an effort to show their testimony primarily to the people around
them not to ones who are difficult to reach (Toplu Çalışma, 1996, pp. 85-86).
C.
The
Upper Identity Described in the Quran
The concept of Kurdish
people or Kurdish identity should be used in the context of qawm (people) or
qabila (tribe) not race or nation. As a matter of fact, Muslims should perceive
the concept of “qhalq” (creation), depending on God’s wisdom of creating and by
pointing to the language and colours of the people, as categorizing social
Godly signs (Hujurat 49/13) such as qawm, qabail and shuub (Türkmen, 2006b, p.
269). Such categories cannot determine final social identity of Muslims. The
Quran presents Allah's prophet (pbuh) and jihad (show effort) for the path of
Allah as a dependency more precious and higher than those in question (Tauba
9/24). The differences of qabila, shu’ba, colour and language were created for
people to know each other as signs of Allah but not as a cause to fight or
dominate. These differences are just like the differences of our fingerprints,
faces and other features of our creation. These are the features of our
identity. The upper identity is for human being to define her/himself with
her/his worldly and ethereal life identity (Kavuncu, 2006, p. 169).
When establishing the Republic
of Turkey the aim was a mono-cultural, monolingual, one-nation and a unitary state. The efforts/projects
to make the society by force and imposition one colour, expectedly caused a
religion matter as well as an ethnic and tribal one (Sevim, 2006, p.
113). However, the
Quran presents the existance of nations as a facility to increase communication
(Hujurat 49/13), and their languages as a means for understanding each other and preaching
(Ibrahim 14/4; Rum 30/22). The important one is not inborn differences but to perceive the aim of
the life together with these differences. Nations should create a lifestyle in
accordance with God’s wish by grasping together Allah’s rope (Al-i Imran
3/103). The
superiority must be in obeying (taqwa) God. The landing mark among the
international relations should be this. To regard his/herself superior to the
other because of his/her language, colour, nation is to transgress the limits
of Allah. It is the same for the nations (Türkmen, 2009, p. 124). Different social features
of people should be perceived a variety considered proper by Allah (Rum
30/22). There is a
parallel between the people’s having the same features (fitrah) (Rum
30/30) and basically
the sameness of the Books (inspired by Allah) (Shura 42/13). Similarly, social features
which can be described as cultural variety reflect the difference in the
features of making the wahy (the Quran) reach the people (Toplu Çalışma,
1996, pp. 113-114; Maeda 5/48).
The expression in the verse accepting that the presence of the nations
as a reality (Hujurat 49/13) you may know one another (لتعارفرا) means acquaintance.
In this context, the Quran doesn’t define the differences as a means for a
group of people to dominate another one (Şekerci, 2011, p. 192). The expression
in question incorporates showing respect each other as well. With this context,
the necessary value should be given to the nations properly, an Islamic system
should be established open to the cooperation of the peoples having equal
rights, making consultation (shura) principle (Shura 42/38 ) operational, rendering
back the trusts to those to whom they are due (Nisa 4/58) and justly
governing. In such a system of justice; with Allah's grant, all ethnic problems
and fights will end with a radical way, when facilities are given to the local
initiatives and when Islamic identity (which is common and honourable) is
accepted as upper identity of all peoples (Pamak, 2006, p. 64). As a matter of
fact, the only thing to put a difference among each people and making superior
is “belief”: “Do not, then, either lose heart or grieve: for you shall
surely gain the upper hand if you are true men of faith.” (Al-i Imran 3/139)
The only superiority criterion among Muslims who are as equal as comb teeth is
piousness which cannot be determined but by the Creator (Hujurat 49/13).
Anyway, the human being is responsible for her/his intentional preference and
behaviour, not for her/his given features such as colour, mother tongue etc.
(Eğilli, 2006, pp. 235-236).
To be a member of a
family, tribe (ashira), clan (qabilah), nation (qawm), shu’ba (people) individually
or collectively cannot be an upper identity for Muslims. Making these
identities a means for competition, fight or superiority against each other is
called in Islamic culture “asabiyah.” Asabiyah is egoism which is not
individual. It is a consideration of the interest of a social category against
other categories. However, there is no superiority of a group to the others
(Hujurat 49/13). The basis of modern nationalism is the asabiyah prohibited by
Islam. Jahili societies get their enthusiasm, speed and power from a variety of
national-tribal asabiyahs. The Quran defines this situation as hamiya al
jahiliya (fanatical rage of ignorance): “(This is why) when the
unbelievers set in their hearts a fierce bigotry, the bigotry of ignorance
Allah bestowed inner peace upon His Messenger and upon the believers and made
the word of piety binding on them. They were more deserving and worthier
thereof. Allah has knowledge of everything.” (Fath 48/26) Our affiliation
to a variety of social units is natural and legitimate but regarding a fight
and a struggle for superiority among these units i.e. the acceptance of them as
social/universal/ethereal identity is prohibited (Kavuncu, 2006, p. 169-170).
It is informed (in the
Quran) that in this world, Muslims preferring Allah, His prophet and jihad in
His path form an ummah (Maeda 5/56; Mücadele 22). Almighty God directly
prescribes that “Strive in the cause of Allah in a manner worthy of that
striving. He has chosen you (for His task), and He has not laid upon you
any hardship in religion. Keep to the faith of your father Abraham. Allah named
you Muslims earlier and even in this (Book), that the Messenger may be a
witness over you, and that you may be witnesses over all mankind. So establish
Prayer, and pay Zakah, and hold fast to Allah. He is your Protector. What an
excellent Protector; what an excellent Helper!” (Hajj 22/77-78). So the
only valid, legal identity for Muslims is the name of “Muslim.” (Kavuncu, 2006,
p. 170).
If the freedom of people
is provided and they are invited to the tawhid belief (the uniqueness of God)
by Muslims for the sake of Allah and with a struggle which is full of
consciousness of worshipping and sincerity and again if the society (in Turkey)
formed by Kurds, Turks, Arabs etc. establish monotheistic concepts, criteria,
value and moral norms instead of supersititions by accepting the invitation in
question i.e. if it shows the will to change what is available in its essence
on a right path towards the Light, then Allah will fulfill His promise and
realise Islamic justice system. Briefly in the Quran, Allah gives the good news
of the revolution of tawhid and justice against the system of paganism and
opression if Muslims believe in and do good deeds, perform their worshipping
obligations through big efforts for example reading, understanding and
preaching the Quran and living in harmony with it, and again if they do what
they must do in this struggle in cooperation and solidarity and within alliance
against the oppressors in order to get their rights and freedoms then (Pamak,
2006, pp. 65-66) “And soon will the unjust assailants know what vicissitudes
their affairs will take!” (Shuara 26/227). Namely, the way of success
aganist the oppressors, it doesn’t matter whatever ethnic root is theirs, is
the peoples’ struggle of tawhid and justice. With the help of Allah, the authority
of the ones violating human rights will come to an end.
Conclusion
In Turkey, the human
rights organizations, which have Quranic references, consider their struggle
one of the orders of Islam. While acknowledging the Western framework of this
concept, they put forward their reservations to it. Although they keep their reservations
against the system in Turkey, they have been supporting its right efforts
considered by them in the context of removing the oppression. While determining
their position and presenting solutions to the ethnic matters, they loom large
the Quran albeit at different rates. During their struggle, they don’t consider
“the other” as a whole group and they keep their doors open to the activist
groups who don’t accept the Quran as their reference but maintaining their
struggle regarding their own criteria. Two country-wide organizations we have
discussed are encouraging examples of supporting human rights together with
secular human rights organizations. Both have a remarkable struggle in the
field of freedom of belief and especially head-covering ban as well. A study on
this subject will help to understand the change in Turkey better, too.
Bibliography
Beyazyüz,
Abdulhakim. (2006). Kürt sorununda İslam ümmetinin sorumlulukları (The obligation
of Muslim Ummah in the Kurdish Matter). In Özgür-Der Kürt Sorunu ve
Müslümanlar Forumu, İstanbul: Özgür-Der.
Eğilli,
Mustafa. (2006). Kürt yönetiminin doğurduğu etkiler ve etnik sorunlara İslami bakış
(The effects of Kurdish autonomy and an Islamic view to the ethnic matters). In
Özgür-Der Kürt Sorunu ve Müslümanlar Forumu, İstanbul: Özgür-Der.
Hicks, Neil.
(2003). İslamcı insan hakları aktivizmi Ortadoğu’da insan hakları uygulaması krizine
çözüm sunuyor mu? (Does Islamist human rihgts activism offer a remedy to the crisis
of human rights implamentation in the Middle East?). İnsan Hakları
Araştırmaları Derg., S. 1, İstanbul.
Kavuncu,
Burhan. (2006). Çözüm Müslüman kavimler arasında tam eşitliktedir (The solution
is in full equality among Muslim nations). In Özgür-Der Kürt Sorunu ve
Müslümanlar Forumu, İstanbul: Özgür-Der.
O’Sullivan,
Declan. (2006). Muhatabına göre evrensel insan haklarını tanımlamak: İslam,
Batı ve kültürel görecelilik (To define universal human rights according to the
adressee)”, (Trans: Murat Yıldırım), İnsan Hakları Araştırmaları Derg.,
S. 7, İstanbul.
Pamak,
Mehmet. (2006). Kürt Sorununun İslami bakış açısıyla tahlili (The analysis of
the Kurdish Matter from an Islamic point of view). In Özgür-Der Kürt Sorunu
ve Müslümanlar Forumu, İstanbul: Özgür-Der.
Sabet, Amr
G.E. (2006). İnsan hakları: ikili bir güç söylemi (Human rihgts: dual power
rhetoric). İnsan Hakları Araştırmaları Derg., S. 7, İstanbul.
Sevim, Şefik.
(2006). Kürt Sorununda çözüm önerileri: İslam toplumu ya da ulus toplumu
(Solutions to the Kurdish Matter: Muslim society or nation society). In Özgür-Der
Kürt Sorunu ve Müslümanlar Forumu, İstanbul: Özgür-Der.
Şekerci, Hülya. (2004). İnsan hakları algısında nesnellik
(The objectivity in human rights perception). In Küresel Sistem ve
Kavramları (Sempozyum), İstanbul: Özgür-Der.
____________.
(2011). Kur’an-Hayat Ekseninde Mümin Kadın (Muslim Woman in the Axis of
the Quran-Life), İstanbul: Ekin.
Toplu Çalışma.
(1996). İslami Kimlik İlkeler ve Hareket (Islamic Identity, Principles
and Movement). İstanbul: Ekin.
Türkmen,
Hamza. (2010). Açılım Politikaları Kemalizm ve Müslümanlar (Initiation
Policies, Kemalism and Muslims). İstanbul: Ekin.
____________.
(2009). Ulusçuluk Çıkmazı Kürtler ve Çözüm Arayışı (The Nationalism
Cul-de-sac, Kurds and Search for a Solution). İstanbul: Ekin.
____________.
(2007). İnsanın adalet ve özgürlük arayışı (Man's quest for justice and freedom).
Haksöz Derg., S. 197, İstanbul.
____________.
(2006a). İnsan hakları kavramı alternatif yaklaşımlar ve NGO’lar (Human rights concept,
alternative approaches and NGOs). Haksöz Derg., S. 178, İstanbul.
____________.
(2006). Kürt halkının geleceği (The future of the Kurdish people). In Özgür-Der
Kürt Sorunu ve Müslümanlar Forumu, İstanbul: Özgür-Der.
Yılmaz, S. Bülent.
(2006). Kürt Sorunu vahyin şahitliği temelinde tartışılmalıdır (the Kurdish
Matter should be discussed on the basis of the testimony of wahy). In Özgür-Der
Kürt Sorunu ve Müslümanlar Forumu, İstanbul: Özgür-Der.
Internet resources
Yazı Künyesi!Kayacan, Murat, "Quranic
References of the Human Rights Organizations in Turkey", Civil Society and
Change in the Middle East, Institute of Strategic Thinking (SDE), Ankara, 2013.
(161-174).
0 yorum:
Yorum Gönder
Kayıt olmadan yorum yapmak için anonim, isim girmek için Adı/Url seçerek yorum yapabilirsniz.